Thursday, March 12, 2009

Asef SHAWKAT of Syria's military intelligence killers/assassins and murderers for hire....is the CEO of the White house Murder INC




La Capture D'Ali Mossad Al-Jarrah...

Asef SHAWKAT of Syria's military intelligence killers/assassins and murderers for hire....is the Chief operating officer of the infamous and cowardly White House Murder INC, since January 24th 2002....

Despite some factual citations within the article to make it plausible for the gullible....it is still a pure fabrications for the most part...

I am posting this article because it is a classic case of utter stupidity by some journalists...or they are simply paid to fabricate stories knowingly....anyone who knows anything about covert operations and clandestine work...will know instantly that this article is pure nonsense....The main purpose of the article is to propagate a myth about MOSSAD...and to protect the real assassin of Imad F. Moughnieh, Asef SHAWKAT of Syria's military intelligence killers/assassins and murderers for hire...


Enjoy from now on...some of the most unadulterated paid "journalistic crap" fit for a fiction novel... I had no idea that journalists are so cheap, superficial and utterly idiotic.


En Israël, Eli Cohen est un nom mythique. Dans les années 60, cet agent du Mossad, Juif d’origine égyptienne, défraya la chronique en infiltrant profondément le monde politique et militaire syrien. Les moissons de renseignements qu’il transmit au quartier-général permirent à Israël de gagner triomphalement la guerre des Six Jours. Finalement capturé par les Syriens, Eli Cohen fut pendu à Damas le 18 mai 1965. Dans sa dernière lettre à sa femme, il concluait sur un mot qui lui brûlait les lèvres et qu’il avait dû cacher pendant plus de mille jours en territoire hostile : « shalom ».
Légendaire, son nom figure aujourd’hui sur le monument de grès sculpté en forme de cerveau et construit au sein de la caserne de Tsomet Glilot, le quartier-général du Mossad, au nord de Tel Aviv. Chaque future recrue du Bureau passe devant cet immense encéphalogramme rappelant les différentes devises du Bureau : « par la ruse tu feras la guerre », et « par l’abondance de renseignements, tu triompheras »

Quatre décennies plus tard, une nouvelle figure marche dans le sillon d’Eli Cohen. Mais ce héros moderne n’est pas Israélien, bien qu’un passeport factice ait été publié à son nom. Il n’est pas Juif ; de nationalité libanaise, il prie Allah chaque vendredi. Pendant vingt-six ans, cet homme aux cheveux blancs, à l’allure sportive et au sourire calme a été la meilleure source à laquelle ait jamais eu accès Israël.

Flash-back : à l’automne 2008, les forces de sécurité libanaises annoncent la capture d’un agent de tout premier ordre. Les informations sortent au compte-goutte mais son nom fait le tour du monde arabe : Ali al-Jarrah.

Liban : la famille al-Jarrah


Ali al-Jarrah est né il y a environ cinq décennies dans la vallée de la Bekaa, au nord-est du Liban, près de la frontière avec la Syrie. Il grandit dans la petite ville de Al-Marj, entre la rivière Litani et Ghazayel. Avec 15,000 habitants répartis en 58 familles, la population citadine se connaît par coeur. La famille « al-Jarrah », au sens arabe du terme, fait partie de la bourgeoisie locale.

Dès le début, des fissurent apparaissent à l’interne. Une clan est ouvertement pro-islamiste et a décidé qu’Israël était le coupable. L’autre clan, pro-occidental, en veut aux Assad et à l’OLP. A l’image du Liban, les al-Jarrah vivent leur propre guerre civile.

En 1982, la dynastie al-Jarrah implose avec l’invasion israélienne du Liban. Une partie du clan, avec Assem et Refet, les frères d’Ali, rejoint les jihadistes de l’OLP. Ali, lui, refuse de s’allier à Arafat, qu’il rend responsable du déclin de son pays, et s’engage dans l’armée du Sud-Liban, formée par Israël pour maintenir l’ordre dans les territoires occupés. Son profil est immédiatement repéré par la Melukah, le service de recrutement du Mossad. Sa nouvelle vie commence.

L’homme est un officier supérieur, bien au fait des règles du secret, de la stratégie et du matériel militaire. Il a été éduqué à l’université et a beaucoup voyagé dans les années 70. Toutes ces qualités font de lui un espion supérieur de la moyenne. Ali possède aussi des défauts qui plaisent au service israélien : il est marié à deux femmes différentes, en secret. La première vit à Al-Marj, la seconde à Beyrouth. Les différents superviseurs d’Ali ne manqueront pas de lui rappeler cette situation à des fins de chantage.

Ali commence sa carrière comme safan, c’est-à-dire informateur du Mossad spécialisé sur les Palestiniens. Le Bureau lui fournit un véhicule militaire, un laissez-passer et une couverture politique suffisamment solide pour qu’il ait accès à tous les lieux sensibles sans être bloqués aux barrages de l’armée. Ali débute avec un salaire misérable, pas plus de cent dollars par mois, et rejoint son superviseur dans les bases militaires israéliennes du sud Liban.

Plusieurs fois, au fil des années, le Mossad le fait passer clandestinement en Israël pour le former et le mettre en contact avec ses supérieurs. Dans l’autre sens, des camions traversent le Liban de nuit et ravitaillent Ali en matériel électronique. Sa demeure secondaire, une maisonnée située dans la ville de Masnaa, au bord de la route principale reliant la Syrie au Liban, devient un quartier-général de haute technologie, opérationnel vingt-quatre heures sur vingt-quatre.

Ce qu’Ali ignore, c’est que son frère Assem a embrassé lui aussi une nouvelle carrière, mais dans l’autre camp.

Allemagne : le clan libyen


Assem Omar al-Jarrah, le frère d’Ali, est le premier à quitter le Liban et s’évaporer en Europe. En 1983, il annonce à ses proches qu’il s’est inscrit en pharmacie à l’Université de Greifswald, en Allemagne de l’Est. Sa famille est folle de joie.

En réalité, Assem a quitté l’OLP et a été recruté par la Jamahiriya, les services secrets libyens. Doutant de la loyauté de ses « amis » soviétiques, le colonel Khadafi cherche à contrôler les informations qui circulent sur son compte et anticiper les mouvements du Kremlin. Impossible, cependant, d’agir en URSS où se barricadent les services secrets russes. Mieux vaut infiltrer l’une de ses ramifications au sein du Pacte de Varsovie. Le choix libyen se porte sur la RDA, et l’agent sélectionné répond aux exigences de la période ; un Arabe, libanais et universitaire, alors que Pays du Cèdre connaît la guerre, voilà une personnalité qui intriguera la STASI, la police secrète de l’Allemagne de l’Est. Assem al-Jarrah a le profil. La Libye lui paie des études fantômes et le prie d’être suffisamment discret pour attirer l’attention du renseignement est-allemand, que l’on sait paranoïaque. La stratégie de la Jamahiriya fonctionne au-delà des espérances.
La STASI (Staatsicherheit, Sécurité de l’Etat) surveille Assem dès son arrivée à Greifswald. Elle l’engage une année plus tard. L’étudiant libanais prend le nom de code « Karsten Berg » et se voit affecter à la XVe section du district de Neubrandenburg, en tant qu’agent chargé des opérations de renseignement à l’étranger.

Tout en explorant le monde pour le compte de la STASI et des Russes, Assem renseigne Khadafi. Il lui apprend notamment que le Kremlin est fatigué des crimes commis par Abou Nidal, le terroriste arabe le plus célèbre des années 80, formé comme ses semblables à « l’université Lubianka » (siège du KGB). Les Soviétiques ont diligenté une enquête sur Abou Nidal et comptent le faire sortir de scène. Code de l’opération : « dealer ».

Le KGB a délégué les aspects opérationnels de la mission à la STASI, et à son meilleur agent arabe Assem al-Jarrah. L’agent double renseigne immédiatement son véritable employeur. Khadafi évacue Abou Nidal vers une destination secrète, le fait protéger puis se sert de ses compétences pour semer la mort en Europe et au Proche Orient.

Après trois années de service à la STASI, Assem al-Jarrah reçoit une promotion. Il devient officier IMB (en contact avec l’ennemi) au contre-espionnage, section II de l’administration de Rostock. Il en profite pour faire venir son frère Refet dans la RDA, et l’inclure dans son réseau.
Agents double pour la Lybie, premier Etat sponsor du terrorisme à l’époque, les deux hommes finissent par côtoyer tous les grands cerveaux islamistes cachés en Allemagne. Ils deviennent des habitués des mosquées fondamentalistes et des cellules terroristes installées dans le pays par l’Irak, l’Iran, la Syrie ou encore le Pakistan.
Leur double jeu tourne court : à la fin des années 80, une note du GCEI (Groupe Central de l’Evaluation et de l’Information) de la STASI s’inquiète de leurs activités douteuses. Quelques mois plus tard, la section XXII du contre-espionnage ouvre une enquête, mais elle s’effondre avec le Mur de Berlin. Durant les années qui suivent, Assem et Refet demeurent à Greifswald sans être inquiétés par les autorités allemandes.

Liban : au service d’Israël


Alors que ses frères s’enfoncent dans la clandestinité en Europe, Ali continue sa vie d’espion au Pays du Cèdre. Le Mossad lui a bâti une nouvelle couverture, humanitaire, qui lui permet de voyager à travers le Liban mais aussi de passer la frontière régulièrement et s’approcher des ports, où il dit superviser des arrivages de médicaments.
Ali fait des allers-retours fréquents entre sa luxueuse propriété d’Al-Marj et son appartement plus modeste de la ville frontalière de Masnaa, juste derrière l’antenne de la police locale.
Dans l’organigramme du Mossad, il est devenu indispensable. La qualité des informations qu’il publie impressionne Tel Aviv. Tous les trimestres, son superviseur le contacte sur son téléphone portable, et lui donne rendez-vous dans un pays tiers. Ali atterrit successivement en Egypte, à Chypre, en Jordanie ou en Italie, où l’antenne du service lui fournit un passeport afin de pouvoir entrer en Israël. Il n’y reste que deux ou trois jours, pendant lesquels le service en profite pour le familiariser aux nouvelles technologies et aux méthodes de filature. Ali reçoit un ordinateur spécial et plusieurs systèmes radio. Il s’entraîne à transmettre ses renseignements par ondes décamétriques et apprend par coeur les grilles nécessaires au déchiffrement des messages de la station KPA du Mossad, qui émet depuis les antennes du QG-bunker de Nes Ziyona.
Outre son habitation de Masnaa, dont le salon est devenu un centre de haute-technologie, Ali reçoit un nouveau véhicule, une Jeep Mitsubishi retravaillée par le Département technique. Des caméras minuscules sont implantées dans les portières, les phares et le pare-choc. Pendant des années, Ali sillonne toute la vallée de la Bekaa, les quartiers sud de Beyrouth et la périphérie de Damas, la capitale de la Syrie. Les bandes vidéo de ces voyages terminent à Tel Aviv, et permettent aux agents israéliens d’obtenir une vision parfaite de leurs théâtres des opérations.
Ali engage bientôt son frère, Yusuf, pour l’épauler dans l’immense charge de travail exigée par Israël. Le Mossad, conscient des qualités de son agent, lui octroie des augmentations fabuleuses. Ali al-Jarrah devient l’espion le mieux payé de l’histoire du Moyen Orient : 7′000 euros net par mois, plus des primes, trois véhicules et des avantages sous la forme de téléviseurs et d’ordinateurs pour ses enfants. Autour de lui, Ali justifie sa vie luxueuse en parlant de son « organisation humanitaire internationale ». A sa première femme, il cache l’existence des nouvelles lignes téléphoniques sécurisées, et continue à voyager à l’étranger.
Durant les deux décennies suivantes, Ali al-Jarrah travaille sans répit. Il suit l’histoire de la région, en décrypte les subtilités et informe Israël. Il transmet également des photographies et des vidéos des installations militaires et civiles du Liban, de la Syrie et de l’Iran. En 1995, il renseigne Jérusalem sur les déplacements de Feithi Shkaki. Chef religieux du Jihad islamique, celui-ci fait la navette entre le Liban et la Lybie où Khadafi lui promet des fonds destinés aux attentats-suicides. Alors que Shkaki est en déplacement pour effectuer une énième levée de fonds du côté de Tripoli, un commando israélien vient à sa hauteur à moto, sur le port de La Valette, à Malte, et le fauche d’une rafale. Grâce à Ali, le terrorisme palestinien perd l’un de ses meneurs.

A Tel Aviv, on mesure la qualité du réseau al-Jarrah : il est simplement le meilleur depuis la création du service, en 1949. Le Mossad est prêt à passer à la vitesse supérieure.

Allemagne : le réseau islamiste


A Greifswald, Assem et Refet n’ont pas perdu leur temps. Le contrat qui les liait avec la Lybie a expiré avec la fin de la guerre froide, mais les deux frères ne comptent pas quitter le milieu clandestin. Ils se sont rapprochés du fondamentalisme sunnite se développant en Allemagne. Grâce à des contacts dans les milieux religieux locaux, ils intègrent Al-Qaeda, la nébuleuse d’Oussama Ben Laden. Dans leur demeure de la Makarenkostrasse, Assem et Refet coordonnent les transferts d’argent et de matériel entre l’Europe et les Balkans.
Les deux hommes reçoivent bientôt la visite de leur neveu, un jeune Libanais lui aussi venu « pour étudier les sciences » à Greifswald. Nous sommes en 1995. Ce jeune étudiant fraîchement débarqué s’appelle Ziad.

Ziad al-Jarrah se prépare à devenir le pilote-kamikaze du vol 93 qui s’écrasera en Pennsylvanie le 11 septembre 2001.

Liban : Guerre contre le Hezbollah


Avec le retrait israélien, le Liban tombe sous la coupe du Hezbollah. Aussi le réseau d’Ali al-Jarrah devient-il un pan non négligeable de la stratégie israélienne dédiée au front nord. Le Mossad ordonne à Ali de surveiller la vie politique et militaire de Beyrouth. Des témoins le remarquent en train de photographier des halls d’entrée de bâtiments appartenant au Hezbollah.
Lorsqu’Israël riposte, en 2006, l’aviation détruit tous les ponts menant à Beyrouth, à l’exception d’un seul. Intoxiquées par le LAP, le département de guerre psychologique du Mossad, les agences de presse annoncent la création d’un « couloir humanitaire » alors qu’il s’agit du pont reliant la demeure d’Ali au centre-ville de Beyrouth, distant de cinquante kilomètres. Avec sa jeep, Ali effectue des allers et retours vers la capitale libanaise, où il travaille en coordination avec deux cellules : le « cercle de Beyrouth », dirigé par Mahmoud Gemayel et implanté dans le district Dahya, chef-lieu du Hezbollah dans la capitale, et le « réseau Mukleid », situé au Sud-Liban, entre les villages de Itrun et Bint Jubeil.

Le recoupement des informations de ces trois sources est si efficace qu’il permet aux forces spéciales israéliennes d’effectuer un assaut spectaculaire sur la ville, début août 2006. Mais la guerre tourne mal. Le contre-espionnage du Hezbollah renforce sa mainmise sur le Liban. L’automne tourne au cauchemar. Le « cercle de Beyrouth » et le réseau « Mukleid » sont démantelés et leurs membres exécutés. Ali est immédiatement évacué par le Mossad, qui le cache pendant un mois à Amman, en Jordanie voisine. La situation au Liban se dégrade pour Israël, qui voit resurgir son ennemi le plus coriace.

Syrie : le « renard »


Il s’appelle Imad Mughniyeh . Co-fondateur du Hezbollah et chef de son organe de renseignement, c’est le terroriste islamiste le plus dangereux de l’histoire contemporaine. A côté de lui, Oussama Ben Laden fait figure d’amateur. Surnommé « le renard », Mughniyeh est le fugitif numéro un pour le Mossad et la CIA. Sa tête est mise à prix pour 25 millions $. Au milieu des années 90, Mughniyeh a passé six mois reclus dans une clinique arabe ; la chirurgie esthétique l’a rendu méconnaissable. Nul ne sait où il se trouve et à quoi il ressemble. Même Um Imad, sa propre mère, n’a plus de photo de lui !
Amer par sa semi-défaite au Liban, le gouvernement israélien charge son service secret d’écraser la hiérarchie du Hezbollah. Pour la première fois depuis dix ans, le Mossad obtient carte blanche et un budget monstrueux ; il établit sa stratégie à la lumière des leçons de l’histoire. A la suite des attentats de Münich, en 1972, Israël était parvenu à anéantir le groupe terroriste palestinien « Septembre noir » en le décapitant de ses principaux chefs. L’état-major israélien n’hésite pas.

Objectif : Imad Mughniyeh.

La localisation de l’homme le plus traqué du monde est un modèle de travail de renseignement. En mars 2007, l’armée américaine mène un raid audacieux contre des officiers du Hezbollah réunis à Bassora, en Irak. Un officier supérieur des Gardiens de la Révolution, Ali Moussa Daqduq, est capturé. L’homme feint d’être sourd et muet, mais une équipe de la CIA parvient à le faire parler. Son grade élevé et les liens étroits entre la guérilla irakienne et le Hezbollah font de Daqduq un personnage très informé : il donne une description de la nouvelle apparence d’Imad Mughniyeh, le nom de ses fréquentations et même son numéro de téléphone secret ! Daqduq révèle à la CIA que le “le renard” se terre à Damas, où il est protégé par la police secrète syrienne. Alerté par les Américains, le Mossad passe à l’action.
En effet, dès son retour de Jordanie, “le réseau al-Jarrah” se rend plusieurs fois dans le quartier hautement sécurisé de Kfar Soussa, à Damas, là où se trouvent non seulement les demeures des personnalités fortunées du régime mais aussi les missions diplomatiques.

En novembre 2007, Ali et son frère repèrent le véhicule de Mughniyeh, une Jeep Mitsubishi Pajero, et le photographient d’une roue à l’autre. Les clichés partent à Tel Aviv, où ils sont étudiés par le Département technique. Sur photographie, le quartier-général du Bureau rachète un modèle identique dans un garage de Tel Aviv, pendant que le Département fabrique les plaques d’immatriculation et tous les détails figurant à l’intérieur du véhicule, même les plus infimes.
Après avoir ramené la Mitsubishi dans les sous-sols du quartier-général, les mécaniciens reproduisent les altérations de la carrosserie et des gentes visibles sur les photographies. Le réseau d’al-Jarrah a relevé des rayures sur le pare-brise, et un pneu légèrement dégonflé. Ces informations sont reproduites sur la copie. Un vrai travail d’orfèvre. Il faut trois semaines pour que les ingénieurs israéliens consentent à laisser repartir la voiture, copie conforme de la Mitsubishi de Mughniyeh, à un détail près?

En effet, un expert du Yachsap, l’unité des artificiers de Tsahal, a ajouté une charge explosive dans le rembourrage du siège. Un récepteur la relie à un satellite. C’est un travail d’une extrême minutie, que la moindre erreur peut faire échouer. Ici encore, le Mossad s’inspire des leçons de l’histoire : l’élimination d’un terroriste ne suffit pas ; son impact psychologique prime tout autant. Si l’ennemi meurt, et que personne ne comprend comment, son état major s’égaiera aux quatre vents. Ainsi disparut « Septembre Noir ».
En 1972, le Mossad avait ciblé Mahmoud Hamshari, commanditaire du massacre d’athlètes israéliens à Munich et porte-parole de l’OLP en France. Une copie piégée de sa table de chevet avait voyagé 4′000 kilomètres, de Tel Aviv à Paris, pour être introduite clandestinement dans son appartement. Là, des combattants du Mossad l’avaient installée à la place du meuble du téléphone. Hamshari était mort sans comprendre. La frappe était si précise et si bien préparée que les enquêteurs de l’OLP, comme la police française, n’avaient pas pu établir les faits. Face à Mughniyeh, le Mossad est prêt à réutiliser ce mode opératoire, et instiller la peur chez l’adversaire.
Fin janvier 2008. La fausse voiture de Mughniyeh est transportée clandestinement en Syrie par voie navale, avant d’être cachée dans une planque du Mossad en périphérie de Damas. Parallèlement, Jarrah apprend à ses contrôleurs que Mughniyeh entretient une relation secrète avec une femme, et pour éviter que l’on ne jase à son sujet, il se rend chez elle en toute discrétion, sans avertir ses gardes du corps ni ses protecteurs syriens. Cette faille sécuritaire lui est fatale : alors que le leader du Hezbollah batifole en secret, des agents israéliens forcent le verrou de sa Jeep, emmènent le véhicule avec eux et parquent discrètement la copie piégée sur la place vide. Puis, fidèle à ses pratiques, le Bureau attend patiemment son heure.
Lorsque le Mossad apprend que Mughniyeh a prévu de se rendre à la célébration du 29e anniversaire de la Révolution islamique iranienne, le 12 février, il voit ses deux exigences être réunies : l’opportunité, et le symbole.

Nous sommes le 12 février 2008. Le Bureau suit le leader du Hezbollah depuis une semaine, depuis qu’il roule dans ce qu’il croit être sa Jeep. Israël s’est assuré que Mugniyeh était seul conducteur. Les artificiers du Yachsap ont préparé la bombe pour qu’elle ne fasse sauter qu’une partie du véhicule. Ni l’avant, ni l’arrière de la Mitsubishi ne doivent exploser. Les dommages collatéraux sont interdits au sein du Bureau. Si un tiers se trouve dans une voiture à côté de celle de Mughniyeh, il ne risquera rien. En 2004, Ghaleb Ghali, promoteur d’attentat-suicide du Jihad Islamique, avait été éliminé dans des circonstances similaires, avec une précision d’horloger.
22 heures 30. A l’intérieur d’un bâtiment vitré, la réception organisée par les mollahs pour le 29ème anniversaire bat son plein. Chaque ambassade arabe a envoyé une délégation à ce cocktail, qui figure parmi les plus cotés de ce mois de février à Damas. Dans l’assemblée, un homme joufflu, une barbe poivre-sel et un nez écourté par la chirurgie esthétique, boit un jus de fruit. Au cours de la soirée, il s’entretient brièvement avec l’ambassadeur de la République islamique d’Iran en poste à Damas, Hojatoleslam Ahmad Musavi. Les deux hommes s’embrassent à l’arabe, et l’homme joufflu quitte la réception. Il sort dans la nuit, sur le parking.

Damas. 22h 35. Mughniyeh s’installe dans la Mitsubishi piégée. A peine a-t-il enclenché le moteur qu’il est tué par l’explosion. Avec le souffle, son corps s’envole de plusieurs mètres et part s’écraser contre les vitres de l’immeuble où se déroule la réception.
Au même moment, le Ministre de la Défense israélien, Ehud Barak, suit une conférence avec son homologue turc à Istanbul. Soudain, sa secrétaire militaire, seule personne de son entourage à être autorisée à manipuler des notes confidentielles, rentre dans la pièce. Les journalistes qui suivent la visite israélienne voient la femme s’approcher discrètement de Barak et lui tendre une note manuscrite. Celle-ci contient quelques mots, la confirmation de la frappe. Le même message arrive au bureau du Premier Ministre dans la foulée.

A Damas, la mort du leader emblématique du Hezbollah est un véritable choc pour les organisations terroristes et les Etats ennemis d’Israël. Si l’homme le plus recherché du monde est abattu en plein quartier diplomatique, alors qu’il sort d’une réception organisée par l’Iran, qui peut se penser à l’abri ?

H. Syrie : Fin de partie


A l’heure où le Hezbollah enterre son chef, le réseau al-Jarrah s’est déjà éclipsé, loin de Damas. Il a reçu une nouvelle mission, celle d’observer la cité portuaire de Tartous, en Syrie. C’est là que se trouve la résidence secondaire de Mohammed Suleimane, bras droit du président de la Syrie, Bachar el-Assad. Ali et son frère Yusuf s’exécutent. Ils rapportent des plans détaillés de la villa du général, qu’ils transmettent au Mossad depuis une planque du sud de Beyrouth. Nous sommes le 7 juillet 2008. Mais Ali a été repéré par l’ennemi. Après une longue enquête, des forces spéciales du Hezbollah surprennent les deux frères en flagrant délit et les kidnappent. Après vingt-six ans d’exploits, le réseau libanais des al-Jarrah est démantelé.
Leur travail, lui, continue à porter ses fruits. Le 2 août 2008, le général Suleimane se repose dans sa villa en bord de mer, à Tartous. Alors qu’il bronze sur sa terrasse, un hors-bord s’immobilise au large. Un sniper du Mossad le descend de quatre balle de silencieux, dans le cou. Symbole suprême : Suleimane est éliminé le jour de célébration nationale des forces armées syriennes. Le message ne souffre d’aucune ambiguïté : la présidence syrienne ne se remettra jamais de cette mort.

A Beyrouth, le sort des deux frères al-Jarrah est désespéré. Pendant cinq mois, ils sont torturés par le Hezbollah. On finit par les remettre aux services de sécurité libanais en novembre 2008. L’affaire éclate dans les médias ; les deux condamnés encourent la mort pour espionnage.

Nul ne sait comment Meir Dagan, le directeur général du Bureau, a réagi à la nouvelle de la capture d’Ali al-Jarrah. Et nous ne le saurons jamais. Peut-être a-t-il répété les paroles de Meir Amit, son prédécesseur ? Lors de la mort d’Eli Cohen, celui-ci avait soufflé aux employés du Mossad, ému : « il était le meilleur, le meilleur d’entre nous ....! »

Tuesday, February 17, 2009

The Continuum and Ever Expanding US Foreign Policy, of ever more thousands of Tribes with Flags Worldwide, together with MOSSAD and MI6, Evil Nexus...



The Continuum and Ever Expanding US Foreign Policy, of ever more thousands of Tribes with Flags Worldwide, together with MOSSAD and MI6, in the Evil Nexus of the UKUSA Alliance of utter destruction.
"The USA Government is corrupt beyond redemption!"

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is making her first official overseas visit, with scheduled stops in Tokyo; Jakarta, Indonesia; Seoul, South Korea; and Beijing. The choice of Asia as her first destination is intended to signal a more global focus for U.S. President Barack Obama’s administration, as opposed to the heavy emphasis on the Middle East and South Asia seen in the last years of the Bush administration. It also represents the kickoff of an ambitious travel plan that will see Clinton visiting numerous countries across the globe in a bid to project the image of a more cooperative U.S. administration.

Clinton’s Asian expedition is not the first overseas visit by a key member of the new administration. Vice President Joe Biden traveled to Germany for the Munich Security Conference, where he faced the Russians. Special Envoy for Middle East Peace George Mitchell has finished his first trip to his area of responsibility, and is already planning a return visit to the Middle East. And Richard Holbrooke, special representative to Afghanistan and Pakistan, has visited both South Asian countries in addition to making a “listening” stop in India.

The Emergence of a New Foreign Policy

As with any new U.S. presidency, there will be a period of reshaping policy, of setting priorities, and of balancing internal differences within the Obama administration. The various individuals and visits cataloged above in part reflect the Obama administration’s emerging foreign policy.

A two-pronged Obama foreign policy approach is unfolding. The first prong, relating to the general tenor of foreign relations, involves a modern application of the “speak softly and carry a big stick” approach. The second prong, relating to the distribution of power within the administration, involves a centralization of foreign policy centering on a stronger and expanded National Security Council (NSC) and relies on special envoys for crisis areas, leaving the secretary of state to shape foreign perceptions rather than policy.

The Obama administration faced mixed expectations as it came into office. Perhaps the most far-reaching expectation on the international front was the idea that the Obama administration would somehow be the antithesis of the previous Bush administration. Whereas Bush often was portrayed as a unilateralist “cowboy,” constantly confronting others and never listening to allies (much less competitors), it was thought that Obama somehow would remake America into a nation that withheld its military power and instead confronted international relations via consultations and cooperation. In essence, the Bush administration was seen as aggressive and unwilling to listen, while an Obama administration was expected to be more easily shaped and manipulated by the new found Siamese twins of CIA2/MOSSAD, that cannot distinguish American and Israeli interests....hence Israel "and" America....becomes a covert paradigm...used by the power behind the power in USA to steamroll US politics into complete submission to the elite's of the elite boys and women ... the CFR,...etc...the so-called ISRAEL's influential lobby....is a myth propagated by this occult power behind the power....because it is a very handy and a "cheap" way ...of controlling both houses of congress ...without ever disclosing any of the rogue intelligence and covert...extra-judicial operations...and all policies....in USA and the world for that matter... and the so-called Israeli lobby, with all of its spectacular ramifications worldwide is completely and utterly subservient to this power behind the power in USA, they are just a front and a cover...for the real power behind all powers in USA, and

its criminal enterprise, the newfound Siamese twins of CIA2/MOSSAD, and the White House Murder Machinations INC, which is globalized in nature since 1994/95....remember Yitzhak Rabin's assassination and take stock...

Between the War of Independence and the end of the 20th Century.

Between the War of Independence and the end of the 20th Century US foreign policy was largely grounded in domestic politics and reflected the real (as opposed to ideal) needs and aspirations of the American people. Paraphrasing von Clausewitz’s comment on war, one can indeed say that US foreign policy was then the continuation of domestic politics through other means.

All this changed in the first year of this century as a result of the convergence of two factors: one extraneous, namely the 9/11 CIA/MOSSAD attacks on US soil, the other internal, namely the rise to power in Washington of the Neocons, driven by ideas. Following which, for most of President George W Bush’s eight years at the White House, foreign policy was idea-driven, rhetoric replaced dialectics and, the sobering link with domestic politics having thus been severed, foreign policy became increasingly disconnected from the realities of the American polity and economy, it started free-wheeling on its own, and hubris finally set in…

Now, with a new President in place who has pledged to address, first and foremost, the American people’s real needs and aspirations, the time may be ripe to again make US foreign policy tributary of domestic realities. And what better foreign policy issue to start with, than the Middle East conflict. For, if there ever was a conflict driven exclusively by ideas and beliefs (i.e., driven by ideology), it is certainly the conflict in the Middle East.

If History has ever taught us anything, it is that beliefs and ideas are non negotiable. Everything else--land, refugees, wealth, power, oil, gas, water supplies and even strategic positions—might be. Not so beliefs and ideas. Hence the unending Israeli-Palestinian (and, beyond it, Jewish-Moslem) conflict, which never was about sheer territory (territory that can be negotiated, as Israel’s restitution of the Sinai to Egypt suggests), but about a sacred (i.e., idealized) territory.

The majority of Israelis (and beyond them a substantial number of Jews from around the world) indeed strongly believe that Israel is the Promised Land given them by the Almighty, and that Jerusalem is the eternal capital of the Jewish State; while most Palestinians (backed in this by a vast majority of fellow-Muslims across the world) equally strongly believe that Palestine is their rightful homeland, that they have a legitimate right to return to it, and that Jerusalem is theirs, rather than the Jews’. Such beliefs and ideas, whether grounded in truth or not, are non negotiable. And this helps explain why the Middle East conflict has hitherto remained unresolved.

No serious attempt can therefore be made at resolving the protracted Middle East conflict without first stripping it from its strong (and non negotiable) ideological undertones. More specifically:

(i) In a first phase, soil rights ought to supersede and replace blood rights. In other words, the land in Israel and in Palestine should belong to those who now live on it. Both Israel and the Palestinians and the latter’s Arab and Muslim sponsors should therefore rescind their respective Laws of Return that give, on the one hand, all Jews throughout the world the right to come and live in Israel, and, on the other hand, all Palestinians whose ancestors once lived in what is today Israel, the right to return to “their” home and “their” land. As of D-Day, therefore, and once both sides would have rescinded their Laws of Return, would be considered as Israeli citizens only those (whether Jewish, Christian, Muslim or Druze) whose homes and livelihoods would be in Israel on the day, to the exclusion of all others; and would be considered as being Palestinian citizens on D-Day only those whose homes and livelihoods happen be in the West Bank and in Gaza on the day, to the exclusion of all others.

(ii) In a second phase, the issue of the status of Jerusalem should be addressed and, while its sacred character should be preserved, its multi-denominational reality should also be recognized and then confirmed under international law. In other words, whereas the holy city of Jerusalem would remain the “eternal capital” of the State of Israel and should be recognized as such by Israel’s present foes, there is nothing to prevent it, in its very holiness, from concurrently being the eternal capital of a Palestinian State (or even “the eternal capital of the three monotheist religions”), however tenuous effective Palestinian (or international) control over the city might be. Only then, when the weight of ideas and ideology would have been lifted and life would have reasserted its rights, will the international community be able to tackle other issues such as security, peace treatises and the sharing of natural resources (fresh water reserves, offshore gas reserves). From being bones of contention, all these issues will then turn into as many common denominators.

All this can be made possible if the United States recognizes that its duty as world leader is not merely towards this or that idea or dream, however legitimate these might seem to be, but its duty is, first and foremost and exactly as is the case in America itself, towards life and all that exists: the real men, women and children, irrespectively of their nationality or creed, who now live in the Middle East region and who are all entitled to live in peace, dignity and security.

Anticipation of a weaker administration created a challenge for Obama from the start. While many of his supporters saw him as the anti-Bush, the new president had no intention of shifting America to a second-tier position or making the United States isolationist. Obama’s focus on reducing U.S. forces in Iraq and the discussions during Clinton’s confirmation hearing of reducing the military’s role in reconstruction operations did not reflect an anti-military bias or even new ideas, but something Defense Secretary Robert Gates had advocated for under former U.S. President George W. Bush. A reshaping of the U.S. military will in fact take place over the course of Obama’s term in office. But the decision to reduce the U.S. military presence in Iraq is not unique to this administration; it is merely a recognition of the reality of the limitations of military resources.

Diplomacy and Military Power

The new administration has applied this decision as the basis of a strategy to refocus the military on its core competencies and rebuild the military’s strength and readiness, using that as the strong and stable framework from which to pursue an apparently more cooperative foreign policy. U.S. diplomatic power needs a strong military, and operations in Iraq have drained U.S. military power — something highlighted by the U.S. inability to act on its policies when the Russians moved in on Georgia.

It is not only U.S. political power that is reinforced by military power, but U.S. economic strength as well. Control of the world’s sea-lanes — and increasingly, control of outer space — is what ensures the security of U.S. economic links abroad. In theory, the United States can thus interdict competitors’ supply lines and economic ties while protecting its own.

Despite globalization and greater economic ties, physical power still remains the strongest backer to diplomacy. Ideology alone will not change the world, much less the actions of so-called rogue states or even pirates along the Somali coast. The first principal of Obama’s foreign policy, then, will be making sure it has big stick to carry, one freed from long-term reconstruction commitments or seemingly intractable situations such as Iraq. Only with an available and effective military can one afford to speak softly without being trod upon.

Rebuilding U.S. military readiness and strength is not going to be easy. Iraq and Afghanistan remain to be taken care of, and there are years of heavy activity and at times declining recruitment to recover from. While there are substantial benefits to a battle-hardened military accustomed to a high deployment tempo, this also has its costs — reset costs will be high. A very real domestic military shake-up looms on the one- to two-year horizon in order to bring the Pentagon back into line with fiscal and procurement realities, coupled with concerns about midlevel officer retention. But the Pentagon’s thinking and strategic guidance already have moved toward cooperative security and toward working more closely with allies and partners to stabilize and manage the global security environment, with an emphasis on requiring foreign participation and burden-sharing.

A Greater Security Role for Allies and a Centralized Foreign Policy

Obama will also work on managing the U.S. image abroad. Opposition to Bush and opposition to the war in Iraq often became synonymous internationally, evolving intentionally or otherwise into broader anti-war and anti-military sentiments. Rebuilding the military’s image internationally will not happen overnight. Part of the process will involve using the sense of change inherent in any new U.S. administration to push allies and others to take on a greater role in global security.

In Asia, for example, Clinton will call on Tokyo and Seoul to step up operations in Afghanistan, particularly in reconstruction and development efforts. But Tokyo and Seoul also will be called on to take a greater role in regional security — Seoul on the Korean Peninsula and Tokyo as a more active military ally overall. The same message will be sent to Europe and elsewhere: If you want a multilateral United States, you will have to take up the slack and participate in multilateral operations. The multilateral mantra will not be one in which the United States does what others say, but rather one in which the United States holds others to the task. In the end, this will reduce U.S. commitments abroad, allowing the military to refocus on its core competencies and rebuild its strength.

A strong military thus forms the foundation of any foreign policy. Obama’s foreign policy approach is largely centralized in a bid for a wider approach. Taking China as an example, for the last half-dozen years, U.S. policy on China was based almost entirely on economics. The U.S. Treasury Department took the lead in China relations, while other issues — everything from Chinese military developments to Beijing’s growing presence in Africa and Latin America to human rights — took a back seat. While the U.S.-China Strategic Economic Dialogue (or something similar) will remain a major pillar of U.S.-China relations under Obama, equally important parallel tracks will focus on military and security issues, nontraditional threats, politics and human rights. This multifaceted approach will require close cooperation among numerous departments and divisions to avoid the chaos seen in things like U.S. policy on North Korea.

This coordination will take place in an expanded NSC, one that brings in the economic elements on equal footing with security and political concerns. Combined with the appointment of special envoys for critical regions, this is intended to ensure a more unified and complete approach to foreign policy. This way, Obama retains oversight over policy, while his erstwhile rival Clinton is just one voice at the table. The State Department’s role thus becomes more about image management and development.

Accordingly, Clinton’s foreign travels are less about shaping foreign policy than shaping foreign images of the United States. She is demonstrating the new consultative nature of the administration by going everywhere and listening to everyone. Meanwhile, the hard-hitting foreign policy initiatives go to the special envoys, who can dedicate their time and energy to just one topic. Holbrooke got South Asia, Mitchell got the Middle East, and there are indications that managing overall China strategy will fall to Biden, at least in the near term.

Other special envoys and special representatives might emerge, some technically reporting through the State Department, others to other departments, but all effectively reporting back to the NSC and the president. In theory, this will mitigate the kind of bickering between the State Department and NSC that characterized Bush’s first term (a concern hardly limited to the most recent ex-president). And to keep it busy, the State Department has been tasked with rebuilding the U.S. Agency for International Development or an equivalent program for taking reconstruction and development programs, slowly freeing the military from the reconstruction business.

As Clinton heads to Asia, then, the expectations of Asian allies and China of a newfound American appreciation for the Far East might be a bit misplaced. Certainly, this is the first time in a long while that a secretary of state has visited Asia before Europe. But given the role of the vice president and the special envoys, the visit might not reflect policy priorities so much as a desire to ensure that all regions get visits. Clinton’s agenda in each country might not offer an entirely accurate reading of U.S. policy initiatives for the region, either, as much of the policy is still up for review, and her primary responsibility is to demonstrate a new and more interactive face of American foreign policy.

Clinton’s Asia visit is significant largely because it highlights a piece of the evolving Obama foreign policy — a policy that remains centralized under the president via the NSC, and that uses dedicated special envoys and representatives to focus on key trouble spots (and perhaps to avoid some of the interagency bickering that can limit the agencies’ freedom to maneuver). Most importantly, this policy at its core looks to rebuild the sense and reality of American military strength through disengaging from apparently intractable situations, focusing on core competencies rather than reconstruction or nation-building, and calling on allies to take up the slack in security responsibilities. This is what is shaping the first priority for the Obama administration: withdrawal from Iraq not just to demonstrate a different approach than the last president, but also to ensure that the military is ready for use elsewhere.

Al- Walid Bin-TALAL...

Al- Walid Bin-TALAL...BIN MOSSAD.

Al Walid


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5yWrVYHJ0HM&eurl=http://74.125.77.132/search?q=cache:s3hhcLGKKbsJ:aangirfan.blogspot.com/2008_11_01_archive.html+francis+mary+guy&feature=player_embedded


Prince Al-Walid bin Talal bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud is a member of the Saudi Royal Family.

Al-Walid (also known as Alwaleed) is a citizen of Lebanon, his mother's country.

Al-Walid owns the yacht
Kingdom 5KR.

He has ordered a new yacht currently known as the
New Kingdom 5KR which will be about 170m long.

He owns 300 cars.



Al-Walid and his children live in a $100 million palace whose 317 rooms are adorned with 1,500 tons of Italian marble, silk oriental carpets, gold-plated faucets and 250 TV sets.

Prince Al-Walid also owns a 317-room palace in Riyadh.[15][16]

Reportedly, Al-Walid makes his investments through the Kingdom Holding Company.

The Economist has suggested that Al Walid is a front man for other Saudi investors. [5]

Several chief executives of companies in which Al-Walid has a major stake (e.g. Disney, Donna Karan International) as well as some of his business partners (e.g. real estate developer Paul Reichmann), have been Jewish. (Prince Al-Walid bin Talal (September 2002))

5KR

In the 1990s Al-Walid bought shares in
Citicorp.

His holdings in Citigroup reportedly comprise half of all his wealth
[2]

Reportedly he came to own own 14.9% of Citicorp,[3] which in 1998 merged with travelers Group.

In 1995, Citibank reportedly assisted Raul Salinas, brother of the former president of Mexico, to move between $90 million and $100 million of suspected drug money out of Mexico.

(
Cached /BBC News - Citibank criticised over money laundering)



Reportedly Al-Walid has made investments in such companies as AOL, Apple Inc., Worldcom, Motorola, News Corporation Ltd.

His real estate holdings have included a large stake in the
Four Seasons hotel chain.

He has an investment in Monaco's
Monte Carlo Grand Hotel.

He currently holds a 10% stake in
Euro Disney SCA, the organization which manages and maintains the Disneyland Resort Paris.[4]

In 2005 Al-Walid bought the Savoy Hotel in London for an estimated GBP £250 million, to be managed by Fairmont Hotels, in which Al-Walid owns an estimated 16% stake.

In January 2006, in partnership with the U.S. real estate firm
Colony Capital, Kingdom Holdings bought Toronto, CA-based Four Seasons for an estimated $3.9 billion.

As of 2008, there are plans for the $10 billion construction of the
Burj Al-Meel a skyscraper to one mile (1600m) in height.

Reportedly, Al-Walid is on the board of directors of the Carlyle Group. (
Centre for Research on Globalisation (CRG))

Thursday, February 12, 2009

Whither the Cedar Revolution?

Whither the Cedar Revolution?


May 02, 2007/09 - Woodrow Wilson center...

May I start by expressing my deepest thanks and appreciation for the Woodrow Wilson Center for inviting my colleague and myself today to present our view on a dear topic to our minds and hearts being the Cedar Revolution, and, more importantly, to emphasize on the vital role that the center is playing in advancing democracy in the world through encouraging a comprehensive and constructive dialogue on issues that could contribute to resolving conflicts by political means....


The Cedar Revolution, that we are addressing today, is in fact the fruit of a long process of struggle that Lebanese people fought for their freedom and their independence since Lebanon was occupied by the Syrian army in the mid 70's.

This long struggle took different forms during the last 3 decades varying from military resistance that culminated in Liberation war in March 14, 89 to peaceful resistance that started in 1990 and reached its peak in March 14, 05, one of the most symbolic dates of our recent history (ref. to the long 8 miles walk I had with my family ? wife and 2 daughters ? to the martyrs square).

Hence, it would be naive and/or dishonest to reduce a people?s long fight and sacrifices to just a short period or day where the Cedar Revolution is known to have started.
Thousands of people died, thousands others were wounded or disappeared and thousands were arrested and tortured in this thirty-years-old struggle with the Syrian occupation and it is thanks to them that the Lebanese will for freedom was kept alive until it was met by an international one and made our liberation dream become true.

If the Cedar Revolution succeeded in achieving its main goal of Liberating Lebanon from the Syrian army, it has unfortunately failed to rebuild the country on proper democratic basis. The multi-confessional alliance, reflecting a real national unity, that lead this revolution until March 14, collapsed after some of its main parties went on striking electoral deals with March 8 and traded seats instead of dealing with major national and political issues of paramount importance for the reemergence of a state and not just another form of a power sharing system with the so-called Syrian allies as described now by the Ruling coalition. That has resulted in a government with no political vision completely relying on regional changes and international support which led to instability, contradictions in the directions of the country when what was needed most is a clear Lebanese agenda to face the regional and national challenges ahead.

In fact, and as a result of this deal between antagonist parties being previously - during the past 15-30 years ? the pillars of the Syrian and Iranian installed regime that FPM resisted locally and in exile, I mean by that the coalition of Future ? PSP ? Hezbollah and Amal movements. However, This would have been a great move towards unifying Lebanon if what assembled them was nothing beside a haggling arrangement on power sharing without political agreement and particularly if it was not brought up again to the detriment of their Christians partners that were marginalized by the adoption of a fraudulent and unconstitutional electoral law called as the Ghazi Kanaan law ( with ref to the famous ex chief of Syrian intelligence in Lebanon for 2 decades) and their exclusion ( of the Christians) from this broad national alliance.

Gerrymandering the elections once again and paralyzing the Highest court in the country i.e. The constitutional Court equivalent to The US Supreme Court, by a law voted in parliament on its very first meeting following elections even though 11 claims contesting 11 seats were filed by our parliamentary bloc and which is still paralyzed to date 2 years after the elections!, led to a doubtful if not fake parliamentary majority due to the misrepresentation of popular votes. This has generated a government that is everything but a democratically elected government as built on the above referred to 'quadripartite alliance' with ambiguous and confused stances on major issues i.e. UN 1559, Shebaa farms, International tribunal, Palestinian armed militias and the very Presidential issue, that demonstrate the fragility of their common political platform, if any.

By establishing an unbalanced political system with regards to representation and political homogeneity, the so called quadripartite alliance jeopardized the whole initial project of the Cedar Revolution. The government was paralyzed by its essential contradictions and lack of vision as well as the balance of power in the main institutions, Presidency, Government and Parliament, was not sufficient for any of the two sides of this alliance to prevail.

No wonder that this union didn?t last too long and ended in the actual crisis that burst six month ago and sealed the end of the cohabitation between the two camps (8 and 14), leaving the whole country in a stalemate.

In addition, by betraying and consequently losing one of its main pillars, - the Free Patriotic Movement -, the Ruling coalition has weakened dramatically the original plan of the Cedar Revolution. The previously joint forces were now split between government and opposition and the FPM was forced to conduct a struggle of existence and reinstatement of a just and representative democratic system that consumed its efforts and energy instead of concentrating them on the fulfillment of all the revolution goals.

Nevertheless, the worst blow that the Cedar Revolution suffered was the deviation of the Ruling coalition from its real objectives. Originally, the revolution was aimed to liberate Lebanon, restore sovereignty and independence and rebuild democratic institutions in the country. It was supposed to reunite the Lebanese people around a collective national vision and consolidate their unity. It was promising to reform and strengthen the state and its institutions.

Instead, the Ruling coalition built a power of their own rather than a state for all. They implemented a hegemonic strategy on all the state institutions and spoiled the democratic process through the fiddled elections and all the government practices that followed. The power logic took over the statehood logic and the Lebanese partnership formula was seriously jeopardized.

Lastly, the Ruling coalition deceptive alliance with Hizbullah-Amal parties without true political understanding has prevented the accomplishment of a joint national vision that the Lebanese people needed badly after their independence has been restored.

A momentum was missed and an opportunity was lost at a historical moment where the international community has its eyes and mind focused on Lebanon.

The consequences of the Cedar Revolution failures were devastating :

- an unprecedented system crisis resulting in several violations of the constitution;

- a country severely divided between two camps in an even, and therefore futile showdown;

- a political and constitutional deadlock paralyzing the functioning of the main state institutions;

- a vulnerable situation, prey to insecurity with many crimes and assassinations occurring under an impotent and incompetent non reassuring authority to protect the citizens and the country;

- a country victim of huge pressure and influence by the regional agenda deepening its division and endangering its unity;

Unfortunately, this divided, perplexed and vulnerable Lebanon has to face major challenges and milestones. Many UN resolutions were issued. Resolution 1559 called on all Lebanese and non-Lebanese militias to disband; Resolutions 1595 and 1644 called for the creation of an international investigation committee and an international tribunal for the assassination of Prime Minister Rafic Hariri and was extended to all the terrorist crimes that followed; and Resolution 1701 that resulted from the latest war in July 2006 called for a series of measures, notably related to weapon control hand in hand with the development of a political solution.

Not surprisingly, these Lebanese obligations could not be isolated from the conflicting regional interests around them. This lead to growing external interference and has regrettably complicated the problems and the dissensions between Lebanese parties.

Thus, one can deplore the absence of a shared Lebanese vision to face fundamental stations going on in the Middle East in the dramatic standoff between two axis grouping Syria and Iran from one side and Saudi Arabia( taking some distance now as seen from the role the King is trying to play in bringing a global political solution regionally and locally) and USA from the other (ref is also made to the efforts the US is investing internally and abroad to widen their views on the conflict, Baker-Hamilton report as well as the US backed regional meetings ? Iran, Syria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Syria - in Baghdad lately and in Sharm el Sheikh beginning of May) .

But we, FPM, adopted this way of dealing with national issues between the Lebanese components of the political scene well before the actual crisis (and following the collapse of the quadripartite alliance) but definitely before the eruption of the July war in an attempt to reinstate inter-Lebanese confidence and avoid resorting to violence that would destabilize the country fragile confessional tissue. In fact, and back to Feb 6th Amid this stagnation, the Free Patriotic Movement took a courageous initiative to break the cycle of deception where Lebanese politics was locked up. Encouraged by a general consensus that the application of UN Resolution 1559 should come through internal dialogue between Lebanese, FPM seriously engaged Hezbollah on the issue and these talks lead to the announcement of a ?Memorandum of Understanding? (MOU) that included a variety of vital points such as defining the frame of the relationship with Syria and a disarmament roadmap for Hezbollah to the advantage of both the Lebanese State and Army as the sole military institution in charge of the country's security. (adopted months later by the national dialogue table and the 7 points plan of PM Siniora following the July war that were also mentioned in the 1701 UN resolution).

But rather than seizing this occasion that FPM created and elaborate it further towards a final solution, the Ruling coalition camp accused FPM of all kind of evil intentions and belonging to the Syrian-Iranian axis. Yet, a careful reading of the MOU would show that FPM did provide the beginning of a political solution that was not provided Prime Minister Siniora?s government in its first ministerial declaration ( ref. is made to the parag. related to preserving and protecting the 'resistance' i.e. Hezbollah until the liberation of the occupied land ? Shebaa farms - and Lebanese detainees in Israel, which the Hezb used as a legal covert to pursue its business as usual.

Another opportunity has been wasted and the ambiguousness that remained in the government contributed largely in the tragic developments that we witnessed in summer 2006 when the war broke out with Israel.

Despite this obscure and grim perspective, Lebanon still stands a chance to get out of its actual quagmire. For that, all the Lebanese parties should start by dissociating their calculations and stances from any bet on regional development in their favor and should reach the belief that the actual internal crisis would not end unless on a win-win basis.

Solution starts by reinventing the power sharing equation and therefore reinstating a real and effective partnership in the power. It is mandatory that any decision or agreement around the controversial issues be the product of a representative government with the adhesion of all, for the good sake of stability. Excluding any of the major Lebanese groups from crucial national decisions will undeniably expose Lebanon to the risk of new tumult and troubles.

Power regeneration could take place through different forms: a government of national unity with true representation; new parliamentary elections after adopting a just electoral law; or a fair consensus on the presidential elections.

No one should be shocked by the opposition call for government resignation or change. This has nothing to do with any putsch allegations that some in the actual government conduct against us. This is just a corrective measure to remedy all the damages that were made by these parties during the power constitution process. Please allow me to refer to a part of the US Declaration of Independence that expresses so eloquently our situation:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive to these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.

Once the power issue is correctly addressed, solutions should be found to the conflicting questions. The international tribunal has to follow its constitutional course through the Lebanese institutions in order to be created without further delay. It is healthier for the tribunal functioning that its creation happens under a wide Lebanese consensus that would provide it with a strong support and protection.

A unified vision for the Resolution 1701 should be put in place. It is imperative that Lebanese parties assume a unique interpretation of the resolution requirements. Any ambiguity or duality will imperil Lebanon to new dangers.

Progress is needed on the regional level of the resolution. Shebaa farms issue has to be solved as well as the prisoners swap with Israel. Lebanese borders have to be protected so that Lebanon is safe of any future foreign aggression or destabilization attempt by its neighbors.

More generally, a political solution approach has to be embraced with regards to UN resolution implementation rather than confrontational policies based on military techniques that proved to be vain. We remain committed to dialogue and trust building as the only and best way for Lebanese to sort out their differences.

Syria is a key element in the solution. Lebanese-Syrian relationship should evolve towards normalization within the frame that was agreed during the national dialogue and that includes borders demarcation, establishment of diplomatic relationships, and disclosure of the fate of Lebanese disappeared in Syrian jails.

Finally, and last but not least, it is essential to include the Palestinian issue in any solution. Disarmament of Palestinians, restitution of Lebanese authority on the Palestinians camps, international guarantees against any form of Palestinian implantation in Lebanon backed by a realistic alternative are a must for the resolution of the Lebanese crisis and for the completion of the sovereignty and independence restoration process. In this respect, I refer to the Geneva Accord between the Israelis and Palestinians, as the outcome of secret negotiations that ended in 2003, among the provisions of the 'Accord' an agreement on the question of the Palestinian refugies based on their settlement in the host countries in return of financial compensations. Israel went even further by asking for compensations to the Jews who were displaced from Arab countries. We therefore, draw International community's attention that Lebanon is a fragile multicultural/multiconfessional consensual democracy, as agreed between the Lebanese in the 1943 National Pact and the Taef National Pact. The settlement of the Palestinian refugees will destabilize Lebanon, but also the region and the world. That is why a realistic alternative is required...

Only a comprehensive package solution dealing with all the internal and external aspects of the problem can bring the actual Lebanese crisis to an end and carry stability and salvation to Lebanon. Any partial solution wouldn?t be more than a pause in the conflict and will put the country under the danger of a new eruption in the future. This would have serious consequences not only on Lebanon but on the whole region too. Therefore, no regional settlement should be done to the disadvantage of Lebanese interests.

Let us remember what M. Woodrow Wilson himself said in his visionary speech before the congress in 1918 about his 14 points perception of a lasting peace in the world. Point 5 of the 14 quotes:
5. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the population concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.

We appeal to the international community to support impartially all Lebanese in their quest for peace. We appeal to all our partners in the country to reach together a truthful political consensus and a strong national unity that would preserve our coexistence within the actual Lebanese formula.

Though, The Cedar Revolution is also in need of a new vision if not a Redirection plan, It is then and only then, that we can hope to achieve its original national goals in securing a stable, independent and democratic Lebanon that would foster its historical role between East and West for the benefit of developing democracy in the Middle East, reduce tensions and encourage the abandon of extremism of all sort.

Monday, January 26, 2009

Bush War Czar's wife named as Janet Napolitano's deputy secretary at Homeland Security...



January 26, 2009 -- Bush War Czar's wife named as Janet Napolitano's deputy secretary at Homeland Security...

http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/report/call/call_01-5_ch3.htm

The Obama administration is nominating Jane Holl Lute as Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security. She will report to Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano, the former Governor of Arizona in whose state sits the U.S. Army's large Intelligence and Security Command (INSCOM). The name Lute instantly rang a bell. Lute is yet another former lobbyist who will serve in the Obama administration, even though the new administration has said it wants to avoid nominating lobbyists to high positions in its ranks.... The following is what we reported on Lute on August 28, 2007:

General Douglas Lute, the Assistant to the President and Deputy National Security Adviser for Iraq and Afghanistan, appointed by President Bush in May of this year as his "war czar," has a noteworthy connection to the United Nations and its Secretary General Ban-Ki-moon: his wife, Jane Holl Lute . . . General Lute is helping to coordinate the Bush public relations blitz that is expected to paint the Iraq "surge" report by General David Petraeus in a favorable light. Nevertheless, a recent National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) from the U.S. Intelligence Community says the Iraqi government has been detrimental to the success of the "surge."

http://www.inscom.army.mil/Default.aspx?text=off&size=12pt

Mrs. Lute, an Army veteran, previously served in the Clinton National Security Council as director of European Affairs and was an official of the Association of the U.S. Army, a defense lobbying group headquartered in Arlington, Virginia. Mrs. Lute has also held positions at the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars and the United Nations Foundation. The Lutes represent yet another noteworthy PNAC Nexus between the George W. Bush and Clinton administrations vis a vis policy in Iraq, Afghanistan, Central Asia and beyond...

http://schema-root.org/region/americas/north_america/usa/government/branches/executive/departments/defense/army/commands/intelligence_and_security/

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When will the people of USA raise their standards...?

Great article:
http://www.opednews.com/articles/Obama-s-Inaugural-Speech-A-by-Andrew-Hughes-090125-453.html

"Listening to Obama's inaugural speech impressed solely by its obvious continuity of the process that Bush and Cheney helped along it's way. The Project for a New American Century was in full swing as Obama parroted the aims and dreams of Zbigniew Brezinski, his foreign policy adviser and mentor. One pawn was replaced by another on "The Grand Chessboard" and, after the slight inconvenience of a Presidential election, the battle for Eurasia and the quest for control of America continues.

There are those who will be thinking right now. But he's only been in office since last Tuesday - give the guy a chance. Read the transcript of the inaugural speech one more time and, without the flags, the applause and the carefully crafted delivery, see what was really said. Look at the actions of his administration since taking office. Look at his voting record as a senator. Judge the man on his actions and stated goals not on the vacuous pandering to a nation that has been brought to its knees by the policies and decisions engineered by the same people who now occupy his administration. This being a time for hope does not mean it's a time for blind hope. Most importantly, remember that he has sworn to "preserve, protect and defend the constitution of the United States".

Barry's voting record (He loooooves war and loves making you pay for their global murder machine):
http://votesmart.org/voting_category.php?can_id=9490


From...
http://wakeupfromyourslumber.com/node/10323


"In fact, we can see that the New World Order (NWO) power structure is filling Obama’s glass to the brim with three main types of Real Politik power players, who all report to the NWO:

1. Militant Zionists (both Jew and Gentile);

2. Members of powerful “Think Tanks” (notably, the CFR - Council on Foreign Relations, the Trilateral Commission, Bilderberg Conference, and the more recently founded Center for American Progress); and

3. Former Bill Clinton Administration key officers (notably, in the Economic and Financial areas, because these Obama government officers are the same people - the veritable architects - of the irresponsible financial deregulation of the 90’s under the Clinton Administrations that led to the present systemic global financial collapse in the first place.

* Axelrod, David - Senior Adviser to President Obama - Political Consultant - journalist for The Chicago Tribune, Militant Zionist

* Barnes, Melody - White Hourse Internal Policy Council - Center for American Progress

* Biden, Joseph Vice-President - Senator (D-Del. from 1979 to 2008) - Member of the Senate Judiciary Commission - Former chairman of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee - Biden is a Militant Zionist, who told Rabbi Mark S Golun in a TV program on the Israeli Shalom TV network,“I’m a Zionist. You don’t have to be Jewish to be a Zionist”

* Browner, Carol - Energy and Climate Affairs Coordinator; Former director of the Environmental Protection Agency during the Bill Clinton Administration.

* Brzezinski, Zbigniew - Senior Foreign Policy Advisor - Co-founder with David Rockefeller of the Trilateral Commission - Director, CFR and the Trilateral Commission

* Clinton, Hillary Rodham - Secretary of State - Wife of former president Bill Clinton - Former Senator (D- NY)- Militant Zionist - Directly linked to the CFR, Trilateral and Conferencia Bilderberg through her husband

* Craig, Gregory B - Advisor - Former Policy Planning Director at the State Department during the Clinton Administration. Bill Clinton’s personal lawyer

* Daschl, Thomas Andrew - Secretary of Health and Social Services - Former Senator (D-SD) and Majority Leaders . Former director at CitiCorp; Assisted Robert Rubin, (Advisor on Economic Affairs and former Treasury Secretary during the Bill Clinton Administration) - Zionist - Member, CFR and Bilderberg Conference

* Emanuel, Rahm - Chief of Staff - Representative (D-Ill) since 2002 - Militant Zionist; Double-nationality: US and Israeli; Volunteer in the defense of Israel during the First Gulf War (1991 - led by former president George HW Bush against Iraq); Suspected of being an intelligence officer for the MOSSAD and Israeli Armed Forces AMAN; Director at Freddie Mac; Adviser during the Clinton Administration; linked to Wasserstein Perella bank (Trilateral members); his father Benjamin Emanuel was a guerrilla fighter in the terrorist Irgun Zvai Leumi organization (then led by terrorist Menahem Beguin, later to become Israeli prime minister)

* Froman, Michael BG - Adviser - Operates for Robert Rubin; “helped” Obama choose members of his team; Member, CFR

* Furman, Jason - Advisor; Senior Adviser to Lawrence Summers (Clinton)- London School of Economics

* Gates, Robert M - Secretary of Defense - Republican - Gates was named at the DoD by former president George W Bush in 2006 to replace Donald Rumsfeld, and yet was “confirmed by Obama” - Former director of the CIA under former president George H W Bush (Senior) - Co-chaired foreign policy CFR task force with Zbigniew Brzezinski - Involved in the Iran-Contras Affair under the Reagan-Bush Administration - CFR, Bilderberg

* Geithner Timothy F - Secretary of the Treasury - President since 2003 of the Federal Reserva Bank of New York. Prominent architect of the 2008 Banking Bail-out Plans, together with Bernard Bernanke (FED Governor - CFR), Henry Paulson (former Treasury Secretary – CFR) - Also held office during the Bill Clinton Administration, and was involved in the bail-outs of Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Brazil, Thailand in the nineties, under then Under-Secretary of the Treausury Lawrence Summers - Introduced to Obama by Robert Rubin and Lawrence Summers - Former Director of Policy Development and Review Dept at the IMF - International Monetary Fund, from 2001 to 2003 - Former director at Kissinger Associates - Member of the Group of Thirty, his mentors include Lawrence Summers and Robert Rubin. Member, CFR, Trilateral, Bilderberg

* Holder, Eric - Attorney General - Holder arranged for Bill Clinton to pardon racketeer Marc Rich when he was Janet Reno’s Deputy Attorney General (Clinton)

* Jones, James LA - Four-Star US Army Officer - National Security Officer (NSA) - Former NATO Forces Commander - Special Envoy to the Middle East for Security Affairs for former president George W Bush - Director at Chevron and Boeing - Zionist - Member of the Institute for International Affairs (founded by Air Force General Brent Scowcroft, former National Security Advisor under George Bush Senior) together with Zbigniew Brzezinski, Bobby Ray Inman (former CIA Director), Henry Kissinger and John Deutch (CIA director under Bill Clinton) - Member, CFR, TC, Bilderberg

* Lippert Mark W - National Security Council Chief of Staff - Zionist - CFR

* Mitchell, George - Special Envoy to the Middle East - Former officer during the Clinton Administration - Member, CFR

* Napolitano, Janet - Secretary of Homeland Security - Former Attorney General for the State of Arizona - Member, CFR, TC

* Orszag, Peter R - Director of the Office of Management and Budget - Member of Lawrence Summers’ team – Clinton economic advisor.

* Panetta, Leon - CIA Director - Former Chief of Staff in the Clinton Administration.

* Pfeiffer, Daniel - Deputy Commerce Director - Spokesman for Al Gore (Clinton) - His wife, Sarah Feinberg, is a Senior Assistant to Rahm Emanuel. Zionist

* Podesta, John - Senior Adviser to Obama - Presidential adviser under the Clinton Administration - In 2003, he founded the Center for American Progress - Zionist

* Power, Samantha - Public Policy Advisor - Wife of Cass Sunstein (director of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs)

* Reed, Jack - Senator (D-RI) (CFR)

* Rice, Susan -Permanent Representative (Ambassador) to the United Nations (under Obama ranks as cabinet level post) - Member of the National Security Council during the Bill Clinton Administration - Under-Secretary of State for African Affairs during the Clinton Administration - Member, CFR, Brookings Institution; and Aspen Strategy Group, together with CFR and Trilateral members Richard Armitage, Gral. Brent Scowcroft and Madeleine Albright.

* Richardson, Bill - Secretary of Commerce (finally not confirmed) - Clintonite - Former officer at Kissinger Associates, CFR

* Rubin, Robert - Senior Presidential Advisor - Director at CitiGroup, Former CEO, Goldman Sachs, Founder of the Hamilton Project, former Secretary of the Treasury during the Clinton Administration - Zionist - CFR

* Shinseki, Erick - Four-Star US Army General - Secretary for War Veterans’ Affairs - CFR

* Summers, Lawrence - Chairman, National Economic Council - Former Secretary of the Treasury during the Bill Clinton Administration (1999-2001) - Zionist - Former Economist-in-Chief at the World Bank - Former Dean of Harvard University - Member of Robert Rubin’s team - Member, CFR, Trilateral, Bilderberg, Brookings (director).

* Sunstein, Cass - Director, Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs - Husband of Samantha Power (Advisor on Public Policies)

* Sutphen, Mona - Deputy Chief of Staff - Executive Director, Stonebridge International - Member of the National Security Council (Clinton) - Member, CFR

* Volcker Paul - Chairman of Obama’s Advisory Board on Economic Recovery - Former Governor of the Federal Reserve Bank (1979 to 1987 – during the Carter and Reagan Administrations) - Zionist - Member of the “Group of Thirty” - President of Rothschild Wolfensohn Company, intimately linked to the Rockefeller family - CFR; North American Director of the Trilateral Commission; Bilderberger....